Despre recepția la Ambasadă cu ocazia Zilei Diplomatului Rus
Pe 07 februarie 2019, la Ambasada Federației Ruse din București a avut loc recepția cu ocazia Zilei Diplomatului, la care au participat reprezentanți de la Ministerul de Afaceri Externe din România și de la mai multe autorități ale statului, din Parlamentul României, reprezentanți ai corpului diplomatic, din mediul de afaceri, oameni de știință si cultură, corespondenții din mass-media românească și compatrioți.
Cu un cuvânt de salutare s-a adresat celor prezenți Ambasadorul Extraordinar și Plenipotențiar al Federației Ruse în România Valery Kuzmin, care a remarcat importanța deosebită a misiunii diplomaților în menținerea păcii și prevenirea conflictelor din arena internațională.
Înainte de a începe recepția, a avut loc conferința de presă suținută de Valery Kuzmin, la care au participat reprezentanții principalelor instituții mass-media din România, inclusiv Agenția Națională de Presă Agerpres, agenția de presă Mediafax, televiziunele române Antena 3 și Realitatea TV, postul de radio "Radio Romania International". Ambasadorul Rusiei a vorbit despre principalele direcții ale activității Ambasadei în perioada 2018-2019 privind dezvoltarea relațiilor ruso-române în diferite domenii. El, de asemenea, a răspuns la întrebări din partea jurnaliștilor.
În cadrul evenimentului, a avut loc ceremonia oficială de premiere a câștigătorilor turneului de biliard rusesc dedicat Zilei Diplomatului Rus.
The Foreign Ministry hereby issues a strong protest against the gross violation of the rules of peaceful passage in the territorial waters of the Russian Federation in the Black Sea by Ukrainian naval ships, that took place on November 25, 2018. Russia has lodged a demand for an urgent UN Security Council meeting to discuss the current situation.
Russia has repeatedly warned the Kiev regime and its Western patrons about the danger of inflating artificial hysteria in connection with the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait. Clearly, this is a well-thought-out provocation that took place in a predetermined place and form and is aimed at creating another hotbed of tension in that region and a pretext for stepping up sanctions against Russia. Clearly, all of this was also designed to distract attention from the domestic political problems that exist in Ukraine. This assumption is further corroborated by Kiev’s plans to impose martial law in the country, a move which is odious in the light of the upcoming presidential elections in the spring of 2019.
We are also outraged by the Ukrainian radicals unleashing another attack on Russia’s diplomatic missions, and the damage it caused. We demand that Kiev bring those responsible to justice and ensure the unconditional inviolability of the Russian Embassy and Consulate Generals in Ukraine in accordance with the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 1961.
We are hereby issuing a warning to Ukraine that Kiev’s policy, pursued in coordination with the United States and the EU, that seeks to provoke a conflict with Russia in the waters of the Sea of Azov and the Black Sea is fraught with serious consequences. The Russian Federation will firmly curb any attempts to encroach on its sovereignty and security.
In response to US plans to pull out of the INF Treaty and the active development of its hypersonic technology, Russia is building a network of radar stations best suited to detect missile launches from afar. READ MORE
By Jonathan Marcus
Defence and diplomatic correspondent
11 December 2018
Never has the future of nuclear arms control seemed so uncertain.
At risk is not just the collapse of existing treaties, but a whole manner of interaction between Russia and the United States that has been crucial to maintaining stability over decades.
So what's the immediate problem?
Last week at a meeting of Nato foreign ministers, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo called Russia out. Moscow, he insisted, had been breaching an important Cold War-era disarmament agreement - the Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty.
This 1987 agreement with the ex-Soviet Union removed a whole category of land-based nuclear missiles: those with ranges of between 500 and 5,500km (310-3,100 miles).
Being small, highly mobile, and located relatively close to their potential targets, they were seen as highly destabilising.
In the late 1970s Soviet Russia deployed the SS-20 missile to threaten targets in Western Europe, causing alarm in many Nato capitals.
The US responded by deploying Cruise and Pershing weapons in a number of European countries. But after the agreement, all these weapons were removed and destroyed.
The Trump administration says that a new Russian missile, designated the 9M729 and known to Nato as the SSC-8, breaches the INF Treaty. Mr Pompeo gave Russian President Vladimir Putin 60 days to return to compliance or the US would also cease to honour its terms.
Russia insists that it is abiding by the agreement, and raises concerns about Washington's adherence to the deal.
So who is right?
The Americans say they have powerful evidence that, over several years, Russia has developed and now fielded a missile that falls within the range that is banned by the INF Treaty.
This by the way is not a new idea raised by the Trump administration. President Barack Obama too was concerned about what the Russians were doing.
The evidence has been put to Washington's Nato allies and they have all backed the US case. Many of them though are privately not happy to see the US itself withdraw from the treaty, preferring that more time be given to try to reach an accord with the Russians.
Moscow has arguments of its own, asserting for example that US anti-ballistic missile interceptors deployed today in Romania, but soon to Poland as well, could potentially fall into the INF agreement's terms if their warheads were changed.
So can the INF Treaty be saved?
Or, to put it another way, does either country really want to maintain the treaty? On the face of it the answer is no.
If indeed Russia is in breach of the agreement, as Nato insists, then it clearly believes that developing a weapon in this category has some strategic value. And there is no hint of Russia backing down.
As far as the Americans and their allies are concerned, the ball is in Moscow's court; the INF Treaty's fate is in its hands.
If US builds missiles so will we - Putin
Russia breaching missile treaty - Nato
Nato 'not planning more missiles in Europe'
But there is a strong sentiment in both the Pentagon and White House that the agreement is out of date. US officials point to China's huge arsenal of intermediate-range nuclear missiles, which it has been able to develop unconstrained by any treaty. In this light, the US sees the INF deal as a brake on its own strategic capabilities in the Asia-Pacific region.
Perhaps the Europeans who are most alarmed (and most at risk) by the deployment of new Russian missiles can bring their weight to bear. But if both Washington and Moscow see good reasons for abandoning the treaty, then the other Nato countries are unlikely to pull a renewed INF agreement out of the hat.
Should it be saved?
During the Cold War years, arms control and disarmament agreements played a vital role, and not just in reducing the numbers of nuclear missiles and maintaining stability. They were the central element in the East-West dialogue. This was the domain where Washington and Moscow met across the table as equals.
It continued after the Cold War with the new START treaty, signed during the Obama administration, setting limits on long-range strategic missiles.
If the INF Treaty unravels, then many experts fear for the future of the new START agreement, which expires in February 2021, unless the two parties agree to extend it. Will they even want to, given the state of their relations?
This is the paradox of arms control. Such agreements maybe don't matter so much in times of peace and stability; but when tensions mount they really do.
Shifting global power
The likely demise of the INF Treaty and the fate of the broader arms control edifice it represents is also a sign of the dramatic shift under way in world affairs.
The US concern about China points to this. Maybe the era of bilateral arms control, involving just Washington and Moscow, is coming to an end. China is now a significant nuclear player. Some 10 other countries beyond the US and Russia have fielded intermediate-range nuclear missiles.
The contrary view asserts that yes, the "bilateral era" is ending, but Russia and the US still have by far the largest strategic arsenals and that controlling these remains a good thing in itself. It also sets a benchmark for disarmament which should be extended to include other countries.
But with relations between Russia and the West at a low ebb, with a US president asserting the credo of "America First" and with Russia pursuing its own assertive foreign policy, it is hard to see the INF Treaty or even new START surviving.
Worse, it is hard to see US-Russian relations improving any time soon. The fact that their competition is now only one aspect of a multi-polar battle for strategic and economic dominance makes a world without arms control both more likely and more dangerous.